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in washington d.c. robert caro presents the fourth volume of his biography of lyndon johnson, "the passage of power," the years of lyndon johnson. this is about 45 minutes. [applause] >> thank you. thank you. that was such a wonderful introduction. such a wonderful introduction it reminds me what lyndon johnson used to say when he got a nice introduction. he used to say he wished his parents were alive to hear it. he said his father would have loved it and his mother would have believed it. you know, when winston churchill was writing his great biography of his ancestors someone asked him how -- he said i am working on the fifth of a projected four volumes. i am not comparing myself to winston churchill but regard to the lyndon johnson biography we are in the same boat. i have been writing about lyndon johnson so long that people ask me don't you get bored? the answer is the very opposite is true. the one reason i don't think of these books as being about lyndon johnson just as i didn't think of the power brokers being about robert moses, i never had the slightest interest in writing the b
of it is prevalent in the papers. wednesday with congress and the president heading back to washington. here is a headline on "usa today." in the wall street journal -- if the in "the washington post." we welcome your phone calls. we will get to them in a moment. we did find another piece at politico. there you have it in the papers this morning about people being optimistic or pessimistic about things. i want to dig a little bit deeper into "the wall street journal" piece. i we will probably see some what of a flurry of activity tomorrow. if first call. what is your name and where are you calling from? i think that caller is gone. let's try the next call. caller: i am optimistic because this is a great country. we are one nation under god that. i think people ought to turn to their faith during these times because we have always needed to through hard times. host: how will this play in washington but the fiscal glove? caller: i think the republicans are going to have to give it more than the democrats. president obama is basically going to do with the people voted him in for. i think he wil
. host: that is a shot of the union station in weiss did, d.c. -- in washington, d.c.. we will take a look at politics and the year in foreign policy. we want to hear from you about your political hero. why he or she deserves the honor? your political hero of 2012. you can give us a call this morning. host: you can reach out on social media. you can send us a tweet at twitter.com/cspanwj. we have about 15 comment so far. you can send this e-mail that journal@c-span.org. your political hero for the first 45 minutes. here are some thoughts on facebook and twitter. this is from jonathan espinoza. about 15 comments on facebook already. danny likes bernie sanders. host: just some of the mansion's this morning. entions some of the mansi this morning. you can give us a call. 202-585-3881 for republicans. 202-585-3880 for democrats. 202-585-3882 for independents. also on facebook, facebook.com/cspan. a couple of stories related to the fiscal cliff. from "thew bid frittle bit washington times." this is ron from louisiana. caller: good morning. host: who wish to nominate? -- who would you'll
see already, there is a different tone in washington. i think elections matter. the voters spoke. even though the race was relatively close, it was not that close in the electoral college. even the margin has expanded now to 4 million votes. i think people read those results. i think, for example, on an issue like immigration reform, the prospects for passing comprehensive immigration reform in the near future -- near future are much greater than they were three weeks ago because of the result of the election. i think the chance of coming to an agreement on this fiscal cliff are greater today because of this election. politicians read election results. i do not know whether our campaign or their campaign fostered the environment for that. i think the voters did, and that is as it should be. >> the last couple questions -- we will come back to this side. >> my question is, in the days following the election there was a fair amount of coverage about the divisiveness of the obama for america ground game -- i was wondering, how you need you think that model was for this campaign and candid
was that our supporters would read this and it would spend -- especially in washington, the world's biggest record chamber -- people would get nervous and worried. when those things happen, you find everyone very generous with their advice. [laughter] the frustration was less than we be worried about where we were but other people's behavior and that it would create a disillusionment among supporters. so we spent a lot of the campaign fighting back against some of these polls. what was remarkable about this race, as looking of the data that we had, it was not how volatile it was, but how steady it was. from february through november, we were running in our own data generally a two-point to 4-point lead. we never fell behind. there was a time in september, after the conventions, we had a strong convention and they had not so strong convention, and came the famous 47% tape. we got a six-point or seven- point battleground states lead. some republican leaning voters moved away from romney. and then can the first debate, which we strategically planned a little suspense for. [laughter] >> there w
to washington as often, and i would say, even more often than the alaska members in the house and senate. he made -- they made a point to stop by his office on a regular occasion to talk to him about what has happened in the past, what's going on today, and what they look for in the future. earlier this year, senator inouye was in alaska at my invitation, his last trip to alaska. he told them a memorable story about his support of the trans alaska oil pipeline, which was controversial when he supported it in its construction. now, senator inouye has a unique style of how to tell stories, and you got to just pay attention and listen. they're no very to the point. senator inouye told this story told by opponents of the pipe lynn that it would -- of the pipeline that it would destroy the caribou. this was what he would told over and over again. again in his last trip, he was in front of a group of people, and i was anxious as he started to tawfnlg he said, i have this story tell you. he talked about this time of controversy about the alaska north slope and the oil pipeline and the caribou and w
to write the book. i had a law practice here in washington for many, many years. i did keep notes, and i felt ultimately, um, that i would put it together, and i'd piece it together for a magazine article. and then it expanded, and it became what it is right now. but always behind in my mind i want young people to know, i want young people to know that this ugliness happened. and so it took a while. my brother is a writer up in new york, and he was my editor for a while. i fired him three times, and i went back with the help of my wife back into my first year legal research because i had to certify, authorize this was a piece of nonfiction, and you have to put down. i felt with a memoir you could just wig it. well, you can't because once you start highlighting things, you have to get authority for it. you even have to get a concept from people who you put photographs in, the consent of the army, consent of all -- i had a letter from james meredith right after i left which is in the book it, and i wanted to put that in. my wife reminded me, well, you need his permission. i didn't need his
think-tanks here in washington. my reaction for the people of south carolina is you've lost a great, strong, conservative voice, someone who has championed the conservative cause and represented our state with distinction, sincerity and -- and a great deal of passion. on a personal level, i've lost my colleague and friend. jim and i've known each other for almost 20 years now and i think we've done a pretty darned good job for south carolina. at times playing the good cop, the bad cop, but always -- always trying to work together. and what differences we've had have been sincere, and that's the word i would use about senator demint. he sincerely believes in his cause. he's a -- he sincerely believes in his causes. he's a sincere voice that people in our party look to for leadership and guidance. what he's done over the last four years to build a conservative movement, to get people involved in politics, like marco rubio, who jim helped early on in his primary i just think is going to be a great legacy. from a state point of view, we have lost one of our great champions. but he and d
to be with us. it's nice to close the doors from the rest of washington and the fiscal cliff debate for a little while and talk about fiscal challenges elsewhere. whether it's a good news or bad news, at least it gives us an opportunity to talk about something a little bit different than the news of the day in this final two weeks, i think, before hopefully congress finds an opportunity to either avoid or move or solve some of the fiscal cliff issues and fiscal challenges that we face. and thank you for dick gravich and the work of the panel and the commission he co--led. there are copies of that report that were available when you came in. it's an excellent document that i really encourage everyone to take a close read. it's filled with good analytics in terms of what's going on on the state level. to help us understand. and i fully agree, dick, with your comments earlier about the disconnect. here in washington, obviously, we're facing our own serious challenges. and sometimes those challenges seem so overwhelming that the notion of adding in the layer of complexity to think about the conseque
a script. it didn't work for me, but 10 years later it haunted me that story in washington and he is still teaching a class when i came back. we decided to go ahead and do it.mandari about wallace and the bump. that one hour turned into ultimately -- our eyes are bigger than our stomachs and we tried a 12 hour national security state story from the 1940s to now and it actually started in 1900 with the philippine american war but the spanish-american war and then in 2012, we started 1940 in the series. the book two years after our series we decided hey this is getting very serious and we know i'm going to be called on this because of my back round in making movies. people will say this is part fiction and part fantasy that we decided to go ahead and go with this book. peter took over the book. i was running the series, the film and we were cross fading all the time and checking each other constantly but it took about four and a half or five years now and that is where we are today. >> host: go ahead. >> guest: we have been friends for that whole period since 1996 and then we decided we were
's ecowas write the book. i have a lot practiced in washington for many years. i felt ultimately that i would put it together and piece it together. a magazine article and it expanded and it became what it is right now. always in my mind, i want young people to know. i want young people to know the this happened and so it took a while. my brother is a writer in new york and he was my editor for a while. i fired him three times, and i went back with the help of my wife, back into my first year of legal research because i had to certify, authorize this piece of nonfiction. i felt with a memoir you could just wing it you can't because once you start highlighting things you've got to get authority for it. you even have to get consent from the people that you put photographs and. i had a letter from james meredith right after i left, which is in the book itself and i wanted to put that in. my wife reminded me, we need his permission. i don't need his permission. he sent it to me that he didn't send us the world. i send a form letter to jackson mississippi and he signed it on the backside of
eisenhower. he's introduced by susan eisenhower, granddaughter at the eisenhower institute in washington d.c. this is about 50 minutes. [applause] >> what an honor and treat to be at the eisenhower institute and especially an honor to have susan introduced me. you know, families can be a little touchy about the great man and their family, but the eisenhower's were amazing with me. john, susan, david are completely open, not defensive, which is unusual. incredibly helpful and i could not have done this book without them. so thank you, susan. six weeks after dwight eisenhower became president, stalin died. paik caught together top advisers and officials in that, what's the plan? .. is >> little bit like colonel sanders of kentucky fried chicken. was clearly a figure. ike was rooting for the general, the head of the red army was ike's ally in defeating the nazis in world war ii. eisenhower sent his son john out to do a little spying. john seidel up to him. things are not as they seem. president eisenhower did not find out who was really in charge until the fifth day of the conference, when ik
. shriver opposed the reordering of priorities generating the observation in washington and elsewhere, quote, like the poor, we have shriver always with us, end of quote. nevertheless, between 1964 to 1968, one-third of america's poor moved up word out of poverty. by the spring of 1968, tension over the budget priorities lead shriver to give up on what had become an impossible task and to take the ambassadorship to france. when the democrats met that summer in a stormy chicago, shriver's name and came up for the vice presidency. in fact, he had an acceptance speech written and reservations on the flight from paris to chicago. but once again the kennedy family still grieving from the recent death of robert raised an objective in favor of ted. so shriver remained in paris until 1970. his success and repairing the alliance with france weekend by a disagreement about the vietnam war had prompted president nixon to retain him in office. not long afterwards came the 1972 election when the democratic nominee george mcgovern was forced to drop his running mate, and eventually through a process of el
eisenhower the granddaughter of the dwight eisenhower at the eisenhower institute in washington d.c.. this is about 50 minutes. .. >> the answer was there is no plan. i blew up, not for the first or last time, and said, how can it be the head of the soviet union dies, and we have no contingency plan. it was criminal, said the president. the truth was the united states and the other western nations had very little idea of what was happening behind the iron curtain. two years later at the first summit meeting of the cold war era at geneva in 1955, the united states still did not know who was running the soviet union. they sent four leaders, one tall white man in a white suit with a white goatee who looked like colonel sanders from kentucky fried chicken, clearly, a figure head. the head of the red army, ike's ally in defeating the nazis in world war ii. eisenhower spent his son, john, to do some spying. subdued and shaken, just whispered, "things are not as they seem." presidentize -- president eisenhower found out who was in charge on the fifth day of the conference. the big pier o
-- >> can we do that in 2013? >> -- works. >> i know. is washington still capable of that? >> i predict that it will happen. i think you will have, just like we did then, you'll have people out here and out here that won't agree with that. but i think you'll have an operating majority to do something. i believe that will happen. >>> still ahead, we're joined by actor and director ben affleck and the emmy-winning star of "veep," julia louis-dreyfus. first, caroline kennedy with her new book on her father's presidency. we'll hear audio from jfk himself inside the oval office. irping ]hon [ buzzing ] bye dad. drive safe. k. love you. [ chirping, buzzing continues ] [ horn honks ] [ buzzing continues ] [ male announcer ] the sprint drive first app. blocks and replies to texts while you drive. we can live without the &. visit sprint.com/drive. in that time there've been some good days. and some difficult ones. but, through it all, we've persevered, supporting some of the biggest ideas in modern history. so why should our anniversary matter to you? because for 200 years, we've been helping id
asked stotland to send the top general to washington in nabf 42 and in june of 40 to the issue a public statement saying we are going to open up the second front before the end of the war before the end of the year in 1942. we promised that publicly. and yet the open up in june of 44. that's partly because the british refused to go along with this and that the british get involved in the periphery in northern africa. they are serious but they didn't open up the second front with the united states brought instead basically to defend the provision higher. >> how does this link to the cold war? >> there's been to the mistrust between the soviets beginning during the war treatise of the seeds of the cold war are visible during the war. there are certain tensions of course because the fact that they delayed the second front know that the soviets had on their own largely defeated the germans after stalin and rather what pushing it across central europe and eastern europe moving towards berlin and they lost the mission and there's also a diplomatic initiative at that point and so the surgeon d
to send molotov, a top general to washington in may i've '42, and june of '42 the united states said we are going to enup a second front before the end of the year in 1942. we promised that publicly and yet we don't open the second front until underof '44 and that's bass the british refused to go along with this and the united states and the british get involved in what marshall called periphery pecking in northern africa. marshall and eisenhower were serious. >> how did this lead to the cold war? >> because it led to a lot of mistrust between the united states and the soviets beginning -- the seeds of the colored war are visible during the war. and certain tension because the fact there was a second front, meant that the soviets had on their own to see that the german s -- were pushing across central europe and moving toward berlin, so we lost the military mission and on to diplomatic so there are doles being made between churchill and stalin of -- >> dividing up -- >> yeah, the british will get 90% of greece. the russians get 90% of bulgaria, and hungary, and divide it up that way. it
Search Results 0 to 16 of about 17

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